The end to a mobilisation that had, in its best moments, appeared to touch off and frame a spontaneous outpouring of popular anger against corruption came in a choreographed moment unsubtle in its symbolism, or tokenism. When Anna Hazare broke his fast at 10:20 am on the 13th day today, the coconut water mixed with honey was given to him by five-year-old Simran and eight-year-old Iqra. While Simran was repeatedly described from the stage as “Dalit”, Iqra, the announcer underlined, again more than once, was “from Turkman Gate”, that infamous site of Emergency excesses but on this day arguably a handy shorthand for the child’s religious identity.
Also in response to questions being raised about Hazare’s mobilisation not being representative enough, especially in terms of the participation of marginalised castes and communities, both Arvind Kejriwal’s long speech that delayed the breaking of the 74-year-old’s fast well beyond the announced deadline of 10 am, and Hazare’s own speech after that, invoked “Babasaheb Ambedkar” several times.
While Team Anna was talking back to its critics through the scores of TV cameras splayed across the Ramlila Maidan, the crowd, made up of mostly young men that had gathered for the last day of Hazare’s fast, seemed not to notice.
Amid the now-familiar drum-beating and flag-waving, and chants of Vande Mataram, Bharat Mata ki Jai and Inquilab Zindabad at the maidan, a placard congratulated the “people and the media” for their “chattani ekta”, or steadfast unity against politicians. A poster showed Hazare with a bow and arrow slaying Ravana, behind one of whose many heads loomed a picture of Sonia Gandhi.
As it celebrated the vigorous anti-politics theme that has marked the Ramlila mobilisation, the crowd seemed not to pause either for the last-minute nuance with which Team Anna tried to temper its own message.
Kiran Bedi, at the receiving end from MPs in the debate in Parliament yesterday for her on-stage anti-politician theatrics, was conspicuous by her silence today. In his own speech, Kejriwal thanked the political class for this “historic moment” — from the PM “first of all” to Parliament and political “parties and netas” — before offering fulsome gratitude to Sri Sri Ravi Shankar for his mediation and the workers of his Art of Living foundation.
In contrast to the rhetoric from the stage over the last few days that heaped scorn on the political class as a whole, Kejriwal sought to draw a distinction between the “helpless” party and MPs and the all-powerful “high command”. “Only the high command decides whether a law can or cannot be made, not the people or the MPs,” he said.
Some of the sharp comments about Team Anna in the House had touched home. “We didn’t say that all netas are thieves (chor),” said Kejriwal. “We are not against the Constitution...We respect Babasaheb Ambedkar”.
The apparent tempering of rhetoric against politicians was followed by an ambitious and radical agenda of systemic change.
Direct participation of the people in law-making should continue, said Kejriwal, through the “gram sabha” in the village and “mohalla sabha” in towns. “Only after consulting the gram sabha and mohalla sabha should the MP speak in favour of or against a law in Parliament. Not like it happens now,” he said.
Further, “in the days to come, Annaji will talk of a right to reject and a right to recall elected representatives, and judicial reforms,” he said, before administering an oath to the crowd to “neither give nor take a bribe”.
Hazare, the only other speaker from Team Aanna apart from Kejriwal, paid homage to “yuva shakti” or youth power and also mentioned the right to reject and to recall. There must be space for the “negative vote” he said, and the election must be countermanded if their number exceeded a certain level.
This time, Hazare’s speech included a range of issues — from the problems of farmers and workers to the menace of “teaching shops”. He promised that his fight was not yet over. “Mashaal jalti rahegi” (the flame will not be put out), and “if Parliament stands in the way, the jan sansad must rise up again,” he said.
The loudest cheers from the crowd were reserved for Hazare’s remarks that projected an oppositional relationship between the “Jan sansad” and the “Parliament in Delhi”. The people’s Parliament is bigger, said Anna. “That’s why the Parliament (in Delhi) had to decide (in favour of the Jan Lok Pal).”
For the crowd, clearly, there was to be no sudden switching off the anger and abuse directed against the political class. In fact, the televised special session of Parliament appeared to have made hardly a dent. For many, it had only added to their impatience with politics and ire against all politicians and MPs, and Lalu Prasad in particular, who seemed to have displaced Kapil Sibal as the prime target of vehemence and vitriol.
“Sabhi chor hain, bhrasht hain,” said Pradeep Goyal, national vice president of the Shaheed e Azam Bhagat Singh brigade. “They (politicians) are just fooling us,” he said.
“I saw the Parliament debate,” said Asha Nehra, who described herself as an army officer’s wife, “and it was so much nonsense... They were not precise, or to the point.”
For Bachu bhai, the question was: “Why couldn’t the standing committee also sit yesterday?” The House debate was only to “quell our anger, make the crowds go away,” he said.
Just as Lalu was the new villain, “the media” appeared to be the hero of the moment at the maidan. It was credited with not just “showing the truth” but with something more than that.
“It is because of the media that in the villages today, every child knows who Anna is,” said Surya Dev Dubey who works in the private sector.
In his speech, Kejriwal said the media had been “aandolan ka hissa” (part of the agitation).
For now, in the immediate aftermath of the calling off the 13-day fast, there was also a disbelief that it had all come to an end, and a reluctance to let go.
After the stage had been emptied, even as policemen and tentwallahs were shooing away those still squatting under the shamiana, most spoke of a “half victory” that still had to be completed. “This is a 0.5 per cent victory,” said Arvind Kumar, who works in a private company in Delhi. “Politicians can do a somersault anytime, go back on their promises.”
“Picture abhi baaki hai,” insisted Vikas Kumar, who works in a call centre, reprising a dialogue from a popular Shahrukh Khan film.
“It’s my fifth day here and I will not go back home till I am clear about what Annaji wants in the future,” said Tinku, a daily wage labourer from Aligarh.
A group of seven women from Satna and Katni districts of Madhya Pradesh, remained sitting under the shamiana, over two hours after Team Anna had left and the loudspeakers switched off from the stage. One by one, from crumpled bags, they took out their job cards, all unmarked.
“When we ask for NREGA work, they don’t give us any,” said Jaina Bi.
“I worked,” said Bharti Singh, “but they didn’t mark my attendance. Then why give us this job card?” she said.
The muster roll or labour attendance register, they complained, is controlled by the sarpanch and the sachiv (panchayat secretary).
The group from Madhya Pradesh didn’t get a hearing at the maidan. “We heard Anna is on fast against corruption and we wanted to bring our problem to his notice,” said Bharti, “but we couldn’t make our way to the stage”.
But the eldest in the group, Aamna Bi hadn’t lost hope. “We will try to find Anna again. He has achieved so much. Surely, he can help us,” she said.
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